Pakistan's State of Affairs.

 In the midst of firing on Imran Khan, the selection of a new army chief, a plethora of cases in the superior Courts, and the Long March it would seem a perfect storm is brewing within the country. These events are all the more tragic in the back drop of the devastation of the recent floods and the sad state of the economy and yet many in the corridors of power seem apathetic to the situation. Were these events for real some of us may assume a well scripted soap opera is unfolding before us. Sadly this is not the case; we live in a nation where tragedies can only be measured against the enormity of the previous one we faced and somehow the senses become dead to the pain, the anguish and the sense of despair. 

Agree with Imran Khan or not, he seems to have jolted the collective conscious of the masses to at least think of the state of affairs. Whether the Long March he has called remains a platform of complaints or yields the election he wants to be held remains to be seen. Giving him the credit for what is due he has got the message across that he controls, for now, the street power. To those uncomfortable with this 'show of force' perhaps the only recourse would be a bullet, and that is what happened when his convoy was attacked and he sustained injuries. The modus operandi of the attack would seem to suggest that it was a tactic to create panic and fear and some sort of veiled warning to the Khan. 

Imran Khan, it would seem, does not scare easily and if anything it galvanised his support base to a frenzy of revenge, which he was quick to calm down. He knows well that civil strife on the streets is the very excuse his opponents want to crack their whips even harder. Yet the attack on Imran was close on the heels a the tragic murder of a well respected journalist Arshad Shareef in Kenya. Between the Kenyan authorities and the Pakistan government the whole matter has been botched such a degree that any impartial investigation into the murder becomes more remote by the day. This is hardly surprising as in Pakistan since 1995 over 97 journalists have been murdered and only in one of those deaths did the investigation yield any results. 

Meanwhile the country's superior courts have been inundated with a variety of cases during the past four to five months. Many of these cases have references related to the Constitution of the country and others are matters of restoration or protection of rights. By and large the decisions that have come out have been fair and it is expected that not all parties would be totally satisfied. We as a nation still have to understand that the Constitution is only a thin legal fabric over the body politic of the nation and through that cloth it will always beg for the Constitution to be modified to keep up with the times. On the other hand in a nation of 220 million it puts enormous pressure on 3 or 5 justices of the Court to be the only ones to uphold the laws of the country. A testimony to many that all other institutions seem to have forgotten their oath to uphold the law and the Constitution!

After much speculation and rumour it finally emerges that at the end of the month the incumbent Chief of Army Staff shall retire. While one can argue whether the current Prime Minister, Shahbaz Shareef, has the sole right to decide upon the new army chief, given that he is the incumbent, the whole process through which the incumbent Prime Minister is approaching this is bizarre. He has made no secret of the fact that he has been consulting his elder brother, a former PM and a convicted absconder, on the choice of the new appointment. If that was not enough during these consultations a diplomatic passport was also slipped through to the former PM? These brazen acts of defiance of the laws of Pakistan by a sitting Prime Minister are a precedent that cannot sit well with those of us who have a few ounces of grey matter between our ears. 

As these lines are being penned down there is noise by some government parliamentarians to take Imran Khan to task for 'wrong[y accusing the US for his regime change' because Imran Khan recently said he has 'put the incident behind him'. It is interesting that these parliamentarians are quick to jump to the defence of the US but remain silent on castigating the Kenyan government for the murder of one of the nations most upright journalists. 

Indeed these a troubled times for Pakistan and the polarisation between the political camps is immense. As much as it is the right of Imran Khan to have a protest march, he must also be aware that the election may just happen in the middle of next year. Having shown his street muscle he may have to tack a new course of political moves to maintain his political pull within the nation. it might well be a good time to take steps to move his PTI from a movement to a true political party and to make plans for not only the elections but the reforms that are so essential in the country.

Pakistan: Stalemate or Turning point!

 Since April of this year the political turmoil in Pakistan has dominated the scene. Irrespective of the narrative of each camp there can be no denying that the country has never witnessed polarisation of the sought we see today. Entombed in different camps, bereft of any dialogue the political impasse, more often than not, is adjudicated in the courts of law. The already fragile political fabric is torn with each infringement of the process, with each interference and intrigue. There remains no honest arbitrator who can cut through this angry polarisation and bring a meaningful dialogue to the table.

The economy was already sick, a cancer of thirty years and then the devastation of the recent floods has crippled an already corpse like body of the economy. The floods as much a result of climate change as also the consequence of decades of mismanagement of water resources. The nations only response remains fund raising for the destitute and the affected poor of the country. Few ask why this could not have been prevented. 

Imran Khan, today perhaps the most popular leader of the country, faces the growing dragnet of legal challenges and and a struggle to somehow get the country to the elections. his distractors would accuse him of being decisive and diversionary, his admirers consider him principled and focused. Either way there is weight in the argument that had he and his party sat in the Opposition by now the rag tag coalition that conspired his downfall might well have been out of office themselves. After all the former cricket captain turned politician would be hard pressed to recall a cricket match he won with his entire team in the stadium!

As for the alliance glued together against Imran Khan there is little denying that a sense of fear binds them together more than any lofty aim of doing the country good. Asif Zardari, as much the architect of Imran's downfall, shrewdly sits out of government letting his former arch enemy, the PMLN of the Shareef clan take the blame of the failures of the current coalition government. For Zardari knows that avoiding an election is not possible for ever but if the only by product of these shenanigans is that the Shareef brothers will be discredited then he has achieved an important goal.   

There is much talk of the elder Shareef, (Nawaz) returning to the country even though he is a sentence criminal and all he can return for is serving the remainder of his time. Other than a Presidential Pardon (highly unlikely) or a complete re-write of the Constitution, (also impossible) any hopes of seeing Nawaz Shareef in the political forefront is wishful thinking. But then we are reminded that this is Pakistan where anything is possible; after all for a period the Constitution of Pakistan had the name of a military dictator mentioned in it! (General Zia ul Haq).

At the crux of Pakistan's political misfortunes lies that fact that all the political parties, especially the three major ones, PTI, PMLN and PPP, are in essence just political movements and not really political parties. They are led by individuals in the absence of whom the parties will seize to exist, which might well explain why so much effort is done, legally and not so legally, to get rid of the head then the body will crumble. In a broader perspective of history it might well explain why at least 46 politicians lost their lives violently, starting from Liaquat Ali Khan, and the list includes, Mr Z A Bhutto, Benazir Bhutto and Mr. Bugti to name a few. Gen Zia, the main character in the elimination of Mr Z A Bhutto, was oblivious of an Arab saying that when you kill the snake you must get rid of its children too. 

Clearly violent solutions to what are essentially political problems is neither desired nor should be advocated. Dialogue should replace strife, and a recognition that never before has Pakistan faced three challenges of the magnitude it faces today. Political, economic, and a natural calamity as descended on the country in a perfect storm. Almost as if the heavens above want the people to wake up and accept that the issues that concern them are bigger than the narrative of politics that is bandied around with indifference to the worst possible outcomes for the country. 

As much as an election would be a turning point to sort out the political instability it could well also create an entirely new challenge if the elections are in any way rigged. Yet someone has to realise that in the absence of dialogue the only way for the stalemate to be broken is for even one of the stakeholders to stand up and say 'ENOUGH' and then do something to bring about the stability the country so desperately needs. This alone will set the course to plan an economic recovery and some return to normalcy. Ignoring this need of the hour will only mean further pain and hardship for the people of Pakistan. 

Pakistan: Beyond the Sad Soap Opera of Expectations.

 For an omniscient observer of Pakistani politics the ingredients of a soap opera are all present; the heroes, the villains, the king makers, the conspirators, the exiles and the list goes on. Your choice of casting the actors into each of the roles depends upon your political persuasion and the intensity of the narrative you spin is a matter of passion. This soap is played out best on the vast screen of the social media and the Pakistan diaspora assemble from Australia to the United States and Canada and ofcourse a good measure of Pakistanis from the land of the faithful. While there is a fair amount of venting, (which is good), some alleged access of 'reliable' sources, there is also a healthy portion of intelligent and immersive debate. Twitter Spaces is the venue of this 24/7 congregation and the quality of the discussion all boils down to the 'host' and the key participants. 

Indeed the social media space and the ensuing war there is being won by supporters of Imran Khan and PTI, and a fair amount of space is, rightfully or not, 'their' space. However, with patience and due search one finds some remarkable discussions from economics, to energy crisis to solutions for water scarcity and micro economic measures ensue. Once the political narrative is discarded the discussions are polite and informative. In a country burdened with the expectation of solutions these participants clearly have the intellectual capital to make a difference. A young Pakistani from Australia, for example, delivered perhaps the best explanation of Pakistan's economic challenges and possible steps to rectify things. Another young man was amazingly articulate in micro economic steps to develop and nurture a cheese industry with massive potential for export earnings. 

The mood and flow of the venting depends on the news of the day, yet some narratives remain the order of discussion each day. The role of the Army, the corruption in the country, the failure of the new coalition government, the injustice to Imran Khan, and the list goes one. On the other side, in small murmurs are the Sharif camp glorifying the Sharif brothers as if they were some bygone heavyweight boxing champions with a birthright to remain in the ring. Keeping with the tradition of politics they claim Imran Khan left them a mess and they are the only ones who can clean it up.

With a detached sense of observance one can sense a deep feeling of expectations. The expectation that one man will appear like the hero on a white horse and rid the world of evil. The irony that the rider does not ride alone and in the context of Pakistan not being alone might well mean having an army of two million supporters to make ones voice heard. Labels of 'traitor' as handed out all who don't agree and each side somehow feels the best argument for change is one of the blame game. 

However in all this noise some important truths do emerge; there is a massive agenda of vested interest, there is a possibility of election rigging, the current army head (General Bajwa) may not retire and by some customary trick still be relevant, the politicians facing corruption charges will get a 'get out of jail card', the judiciary has been selective in their 'justice' or the lack of it. These are truths or issues that should concern all Pakistani's irrespective of their political persuasion and need some discourse. 

Vested Interests:

Pakistan, like most countries, has vested interests embedded into their system of operations. The vested interests work to either create a conducive status quo or remove an action that works against the interests of such groups. Such groups range from business to political figures to government employees and the military. With the lack of transparency and accountability over the past 50 years or more these vested interests have felt a systemic protection exists to not expose them. The result is that compromised politics and governance become the order of the day rather than the exception. 

Election Rigging:

One doubts if ever an election was held in Pakistan where election rigging in one form or another did not exist. The scope and depth of the rigging has varied from election to election. The introduction of Electronic Voting Machines was clearly a step in the right direction to greatly minimise the possibility of rigging. However, it is also true that elections with high turn outs, like over 55-60% are difficult to rig entirely and ensure a 'fairer' outcome than elections with low turn outs. Public education and a better sense of the civic duty of citizens to vote are also key drivers to achieve a better turn out.

Extension of Army Chief's service.

We sometimes make decisions that come to haunt us. If the PTI camp believe that the chief of the military had a major role to play in the ouster of Imran Khan, then one should recall that in 2019 when the Supreme Court objected to the intended extension of the current chief (Gen Bajwa's) they went through considerable pain to get an amendment to the Pakistan Army Act of 1952, with an amendment to allow the extension of the term of Gen Bajwa. It would be very surprising of another extension can be granted by anyone. Further there is noise that he may seek a new hybrid role of 'Chief of Defence'. This is highly unlikely as there is no provision in the law to make such an appointment.

The Get out of Jail Card:

A large number of members of the current coalition government, which replaced Imran Khan, are either facing trials for corruption and other crimes and some are out on bail while they appeal the convictions. Irrespective of the bad optics of a government with 60% of its members out on bail, the fact remains one has to wonder how much of their political 'fight' to save Pakistan is really a fight to save themselves by having these judgements against them not only reversed but closed from further prosecution. This might also explain why the two main political parties that hated each others guts are aligned together today.

Selective Justice:

There is a general feeling that the judicial system has been selective in the dispensation of justice. Important cases are slowed down while critical cases are not accompanied with a detailed explanation which may be easy for the common man to understand. In addition some vital national interest matters, like the question of the Volume 10 disclosure on corruption and foreign assets, has been pending before the Supreme Court since 2017. A case of immense importance to transparency in Pakistan which would disclose vital information on all segments of Pakistani society and the related corruption!

In the backdrop of these truths is the expectation that a miracle will occur and we will walk into a new day with these ills all removed. Sadly its not that simple. There has to be a concerted effort for reforms which cover every branch of government, the judiciary, the economy and even the military establishment. These reforms should be triggered from the perspective of what is good for the country and we have a history of 70 years to tell us what is wrong; thus discovering what is good for the country should not be gigantic task. While a reasonable mind would feel Imran Khan has the cleaner record to bring about these reforms it will need a hard core team of the best professionals one can find, even if they are not of the same political colour we like to see. 

Pakistan: Mapping an Economic Recovery.

 In a politically charged country having a sensible discussion on the economy is fraught with frustration. The political narrative deceptively disguises a combination of economic mismanagement and/or inaction the result of which is an anaemic economy. Talk of an economic default is common, and with it comes the weight of the blame game. Add to this cocktail endemic corruption, especially by the political leadership of the past and the result is not comforting. 

The PTI government of Imran Khan was seen as a possibility to steer the economic ship to calmer waters and in some areas success was seen. Two of their major achievements are increasing the tax base from 1.14 million tax payers to 2.4 million and to improve electric bill collection by 157%. Concerted efforts to address the trade balance did occur during their government with cutting imports from $63 billion in 2018 to $46 billion in 2020. During the same period exports fell from $26.22 billion in 2018 to $25.26 billion (largely affected by COVID). 

The PTI government inherited foreign exchange reserves of around $16 billion in mid 2018. In March 2022, around the time of the ouster of the Imran Khan government, the reserves were $22.4 billion, which then in first week of April (as the non confidence motion was going on) declined to $17.3 billion on account of $2.9 billion in debt repayment ($2.4 b alone to SAFE of China) and drop in home remittances from mid March 2022 to end of April 2022.  In reality in the period 2010 to 2022 Pakistan foreign exchange reserves have ranged from a low of $13 billion to a high of $28 billion (August 2021 on account of fresh loan disbursements). 

On the other hand the trade balance of Pakistan has been deteriorating over the past 10 years. This is largely due to stagnant exports and mushrooming exports. In addition internal structural economic inefficiencies in the power generation sector and the gas sector have added a huge burden to successive governments. In fairness to the PTI government they survived the stormy waters of the COVID 19 impact while registering below single digit growth, the more adverse damage was avoided. In 2021 we saw a buoyant growth in GDP and it would auger that some fundamentals at the macro level could have been turning positive. 

Looking back at the economic indicators and numbers can go only so far in a country of 230 million people where poverty and debt defaults are the topic of discussion on an everyday basis. Mapping Pakistan's economic recovery requires to consider a 10 year economic plan. While the intent to reduce the $130 billion debt burden is a cliched slogan one is inclined to believe that solutions are either not being focused upon or the political will to deal with these issues is absent. The issues being listed below not only need economic policy commitments to correct the situation but also need to consider a plethora of while social and administrative changes in the way the country works, (or does not work). 

Major Issues.

1. Circular Debt.

In short circular debt is a accumulation of unpaid subsidies on the electric power generation in the country and it is raised to finance the distribution companies who have to pay the power generation companies. In normal circumstances the circular debt would simply be the funding required to plug the gap between the power bill and the collection of bills from consumers. However, successive governments have subsidised power in multiple ways; either by incentives to power generation companies by paying them a higher tariff (PPP and PMLN governments) or by paying a subsidy on account of the consumers (PTI). The historical problems of the energy sector were covered in an earlier blog https://aqsher.blogspot.com/2021/11/pakistans-energy-sector-historical.html?m=1 so will not go into it much here.

The effect of this is that Pakistans financial system carriers a massive circular debt which in 2018 was PkRs 1.14 trillion and in April 2022 was PkRs 2.3 trillion. This increase was on account of the power subsidy from the PTI government (Rs 404 billion) and around RS 660 billion of subsidies to power producers plus the interest impact with such debt costing as high as 13% (and rising).  This circular debt is almost entirely held by domestic banks and is currently at $11.5 billion (Rs 2.3 trillion). How to reform the power sector and reduce this circular debt has to be a priority and have been dealt with in detail in the mentioned blog. However to summarise the following steps needs to be taken urgently.

a. Develop more efficient and cheaper power generation capacity to replace the expensive and inefficient power plants (which are subsidised through the agreements of the past). With new capacity the need for subsidy will go and older plants will either be phased out or power generators will have to come into line with new tariffs.

b. Improve the consumer electric billings collection. It is estimated that about 20-30% of consumer bills are unpaid or seriously delayed and about 12-15% of power is stolen from transmission lines. In 3 years it is estimated that the PTI government did improve bill collection by Rs 190 billion, and this needs to be continued and extended to government entities who are chronic defaulters in their bill payments.

c. The aim of the above measures should aim to reduce the circular debt by $2 billion a year after a two year implementation period, thus implying that in 6-7 years this $11.5 billion debt will be settled bringing much needed liquidity and confidence to the financial system.

d. Reform the gas energy generation sector where inefficiencies are chronic. For instance Pakistan loses gas worth roughly $4 billion a year through what is called Unaccounted For Gas (UFG). This is gas that escapes the transmission system through methane emissions and leakages. It is estimated that fixing this problem will cost $500 million and it would provide $4 billion of revenue a year!

2. Economic impact of corruption.

It is estimated that corruption within Pakistan costs the economy PkRs 7 billion (US$31 million) per day! That is over $12 billion a year of adverse economic impact on the economy. This is corruption at all levels, largely politically sanctioned and in many cases institutional at district level, police, judiciary and various government offices. Imran Khan has talked of a crusade against corruption and often has talked of stolen money being returned to Pakistan from abroad but there need to be steps taken to deal with the situation within the country too. 

A credible system of accountability and justice needs to be created which is not politicised by any party. Once public figures are being investigated or facing the judicial system any comment by political figures should be avoided as it plays into the political victimisation narrative. Reforms need to be considered where people who are being investigated should step aside from public and government positions. Currently there is no oversight of the judicial system for corruption and there needs to be some reform in this respect too.  As is known there is a military judicial system within the military establishments of the country and it should be considered that from time to time the military disclose actions that are taken against military personnel who have broken the law. This is a transparency all sections of the government need. 

Imagine if corruption can be reduced by 50% that will mean $6 billion more money into the system which is ten years could cut our external debt by 50%!

3. Focus on Exports.

One does not need to be an economic rocket scientist to know that positioning the economy to have more exports than imports is the best way to improve the lot of the country and the people. Since 1960 Pakistan has only had a few odd years where our exports were more than our imports, (trade surplus), and the trade deficit has been chronically rising year on year. There is an argument that this is largely on account of rising import costs for fuel and gas, which may partially be correct, but there is not doubt that export performance has been very weak. 

A concerted and well thought out policy and plan for boosting exports needs to be implemented. Incentives for exports and extension of banking credit to be made available for exporters. This is the most vital part of the economy that needs to be seriously overhauled. 

Pakistan Trade Balance - Historical Data

Year        Billions of US $.       

2020.        $-18.60B

2019        $-28.38B

2018        $-34.92B

2017        $-28.44B

2016        $-19.55B

2015         $-17.44B

2014        $-15.68B

2013        $-15.67B

2012        $-17.98B

2011        $-10.69B

2010        $-10.34B

2009        $-12.24B    

2008        $-18.42B

2007        $-10.00B

2006        $-10.18B    

2005        $-4.24B

2004        $1.01B

2003        $0.49B

2002        $-0.07B

2001        $-0.76B

2000        $-0.92B

1999        $-1.02B

1998        $-0.65B-

1997        $-2.93B

1996        $-2.86B

1995        $-1.64B

1994        $-1.43B

1993        $-3.16B

1992        $-1.54B

1991        $-0.71B

1990        $-2.18B

1989        $-2.52B

1988        $-2.14B

1987        $-1.76B

1986        $-2.49B

1985        $-3.75B

1984        $-3.29B

1983        $-2.96B

1982        $-3.36B

1981        $-2.67B

1980        $-2.53B

1979       $-2.12B

1978        $-1.61B

1977        $-1.29B

1976        $-1.01B

1975        $-1.01B

1974        $-0.33B-

1973        $0.03B

1972        $-0.14B

1971        $-0.29B

1970        $-0.27B

1969        $-0.32B

1968        $-0.33B-

1967        $-0.50B

1966        $-0.35B

1965        $-0.59B

1964        $-0.40B

1963        $-0.35B

1962        $-0.33B

1961        $-0.32B-

1960        $-0.23B

4. Banking Reform.

Looking at the balance sheet of any of the banks in Pakistan will reveal that banks are simply involved in an arbitrage game. They take low cost deposits and invest them in government borrowings and a smaller proportion of their assets are deployed in lending to the economic sectors. Lending is also largely to government entities or the very large private groups with the SME market largely ignored. 

A banking reform is badly needed where banks are given targets for lending into various economic sectors. Even in the United States banks are obligated to lend for say affordable housing (low cost housing) and there are severe penalties on banks who do not achieve those targets. While banks are the trustees of public deposits they also have an important economic function to fuel growth.

Political Complexions.

Since 1970s political prerogatives have cast the framework for experiments with the economy the burden of which have deeply affected the economy. Z.A. Bhutto's socialist experiment and mass nationalisation of industries and banks was not only a failure of gigantic proportions it set back the economy by decades. The war in Afghanistan during the Soviet occupation there plugged the balance of payments through US aid packages which was then followed by a merry go around of successive PPP and PMLN governments with a stint of military rule under General Musharraf. The PPP and PMLN economic planning was largely debt driven and creating structural inefficiencies as we saw in the power sector. 

The PTI economic model is not completely clear and this is perhaps because their economic team needs to be stronger. In what has been so far there is a broader approach to social and economic welfare and graduated reforms in some economic sectors. The expansion of the tax base and improving revenue collection are good first steps and need to be supported by a cohesive 5 year economic plan which would be important to monitor performance. 

While Pakistan economic problems seem massive and insurmountable there are solutions that are available. This economic map of recovery if implemented can reduce Pakistans reliance of debt financing, improve economic performance and provide monetary surplus for affecting social change. The important question to ask if there is the political will to go down this path which requires some tough decisions. 

Pakistan: Toxic Politics.

 Any serious inspection of Pakistan's politics would leave the observer with a distinct impression that the political fabric of the country is seriously damaged. Since the 1970's, with the emergence of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, we saw the politics of cults and political dynasties. This cultism continued to his daughter Benazir and now to her son Bilawal. Across the aisle the cultivation of the Sharif family by the dictator Zia ul Haq into a political caucus created the cult of the Sharifs through Nawaz Sharif to his brother Shahbaz and now to his son Hamza. Today it seems the cult of Imran Khan is being created on the back of a call for populous patriotism. 

The political conscience of the country has been raped so often that rapists appear as benefactors and the poor victims (the Pakistan public) embrace them with a sense of forgiveness. What political parties lack in agenda they make up in rhetoric. Their claims of national duty and national selflessness belie the carnivorous corruption that permeates through the rank and file of each political party. Accountability is politicised to the extent that the those being held accountable always have a 'get out of jail' card in the shape of political victimisation. 

In Pakistan's 75 odd years since creation the military has often played the role of the kingmaker and at times assumed the mantle of kingship itself. Interestingly at its rank and file it remains perhaps the only institution that does not have the toxicity of regional, tribal, religious and feudal divisions that plague the country. While its generals have long bet on their political favourites, often falling out with them, they still have some modicum of credibility in saying they are holding the country together.

Imran Khan in his twenty odd years of politicking has had his share of knocks that are part and parcel of the process of political maturing. Creating a new political party of the size that the PTI has become is bound to have its share of political compromises and policy missteps. While he may well have energised the political awareness of people, especially the youth, he still has to understand political rhetoric is not enough and delivery of substantive change needs a robust and highly skilled team. 

While his charisma and public appeal is the glue that binds PTI together there is a needs to translate that into ensuring that PTI does not remain a political movement but actually becomes a political party. This means using the brain power to create discourse within and to bring effective policies for change and then create the teams to bring that change. Imran's biggest capital has remained his honesty and while the accusations of some pilfering of 'state gifts' are an irritation Imran must create the transparency to keep his cleanliness intact. 

His ouster while controversial was essentially on the back of disenchantment from some back benchers in his coalition government, encouraged by horse trading by the Opposition. In the backdrop of rising prices (largely due to the global effects of COVID) the PTI economic performance was hardly stellar. Obsessed to expose the corruption of his predecessors, which seems was there, he unwound contracts for oil and gas which were favourable to Pakistan especially at a time when energy prices were rising. His economic teams was hardly one that one would call the best of breed and he could have done better in this respect.

The PTI ouster also was accompanied in the backdrop of some very undiplomatic comments from a senior official of the US State Department. While the comments cannot conclusively prove that the instigators of the non confidence vote against Imran Khan actually were guided by handlers in the US State Department they did certainly provide Imran with the smoking gun for a conspiracy. Having used this conspiracy card to galvanise the massive public support since his ouster it is not something he can not discard. This does not take away the fact Imran Khan was not exactly Washington's favourite.

For Pakistan however these events can hardly be good news. They now have a new coalition government the partners in which are only united because their hatred for Imran Khan is more than the hatred for each other. Whether such a taped up government can last till the Winter of 2023 when new elections are to be held remains to be seen. For Imran Khan the question remains if he can keep the same tempo of public support till then and hence his call for urgent elections. 

In a sense, with hindsight, one would believe that PMLN and PPP miscalculated their move as ousting Imran Khan in the manner he was removed has actually made him more popular. Surely the massive turn out in the public rallies, since his removal, must have sent some shivers down the back of the Bhuttos and Sharifs backs. While the PTI calling the opposition traitors of Pakistan is far fetched it is certainly drawing political mileage with a public that can be worked up to a frenzy. 

For Imran Khan while the public support garners well there is concern that some of the stigmatisation of his opponents by him as traitors of Pakistan and equating loyalty to him with loyalty to the country stinks of a nationalist fascism that cannot be good for Pakistan in the long term. One has to embrace duplicity of politics where politicians change sides (many of his ardent party members were in other parties before) and there will always be crossing of the aisle. This is what makes it vital that a party not only delivers on its agenda but also carries its members along. 

Pakistan stands at the crossroads where the roadsigns visible to neutral observers spell of toxic politics. Lines are getting drawn ever harder, compromise is all the more difficult and it would seem 75 years of political mismanagement is reaching a watershed moment. Four years ago many felt that Imran was a breath of fresh air, who while lacking political intellect at least had the mileage of honesty to make a difference. The two major political parties while experienced in the walking the portals of power have a great deal to answer for this misdeeds. Yet one hears people frighteningly  say that would would prefer the 'technocratic thieves over incompetent honesty'.

Yet this crossroad is not only about political choices, it's about making the right choices to move from a nation to proper nationhood. It's about examining the soul of the nation to bring maturity to political dissent, substance to governance, and values and ethics to our social fabric. Political divides are good and healthy, provided the discourse we engage in remains respectful and decent. One does not need to shout our opponent down or stand in front of their homes and hurl vulgar abuse, or drown their social media presence with the most vile and uncouth trolling. 

We know that the stakes are high as a political loss always means courts and scrutiny into corruption and mismanagement. Political witch hunts armed with a tainted judiciary only makes heroes out of people. We has to believe that the pillars of democracy rest upon a fair judiciary, a free and responsible press and an educated population. As Pakistanis we need to see how strong are these pillars. The judiciary should examine the corruption and politicians, both in power and out of power should remain silent on matters being adjudicated before the courts. The press should be impartial and fair rather than partisan because then only can it truly hold people in power accountable. Educating the population on their political and civic duties is of paramount importance. However, since the 1970s successive governments have interfered in the educational system with the aim of not only rewriting history but in some cases removing civic studies from the curriculum in schools. It is almost as if the governments in power want an uneducated population so they can manipulate their political conscience yet again.

Imran Khan's Gambit: A defining moment of incompetence.

 A week ago the deputy speaker of the National Assembly disallowed the non confidence motion and a jubilant Imran asked for the assembly to be dissolved as it seemed he has side stepped the no confidence motion. The Supreme Court of Pakistan reversed the move and restored the assembly and today in a few hours the assembly is presumably going to vote on the future of Imran Khan. Jurists will argue whether the Supreme Court has violated the separation of powers and indeed the legal saga may well continue. Imran Khan while saying he accepts the decision of the Supreme Court has kept his cards close to his chest and whatever his next move he will no doubt rely on his supporters to continue 'the struggle' on the streets. 

While I have always admired and believed in Imran's honesty and patriotism his political views have always come across as an over simplification. Prone to accept advice that suits his own view of the world creates a filter that breeds a cultish following that cannot be the recipe for good advice. The use of Article 5 as the basis for countering the no confidence motion was seriously faulted. Indeed the tone of the communication from the US diplomat was very harsh and undiplomatic, but it is not unusual for countries to express their displeasure to embassy officials. How such a communication proves that there was a conspiracy with members of the opposition in Pakistan needs substantially more evidence than what we have seen thus far. 

The Supreme Court may well be the forum to decide whether the actions of the deputy speaker were procedurally correct. Where the judges have over stepped their mandate is in directing the time and date and agenda of the first session of the restored National Assembly. This may well be the point of order on which the judgement may be challenged. The fact remains that in a democracy a no confidence motion is commonly used and it is a fact that members from the Treasury benches can and do cross over to the opposition. In Pakistan it is also the norm that from the day a new government is formed the opposition starts to plan its downfall. This is a zero sum game and indeed with Imran Khan in the opposition we are likely to see him also make every effort to dislodge the government that takes control now. 

While Imran Khan may well wield street power and will use it as best as he can, he needs to also reflect on the past few years and learn from the mistakes. As the noise for a non confidence motion was gaining momentum some three months back Imran Khan felt his hold on his own party and its allies was strong enough to thwart any attempt to remove him from office. Yes there was and is unprecedented price inflation and the economy has continued to under perform. A major impact of this is the global inflation and price instability but since the start of the PTI government they could not give any direction to the economy. 

Imran's promises of forcing the corrupt politicians to return the 'billions' they stole within a year, and to change the course of Pakistan's economy within 90 days were also election rhetoric and while some administrative reforms were made, not enough was done to change the situation on the ground. Imran suffers from the same syndrome that plagued the likes of Zulfikar Bhutto, who came to power with a promise of change, but never could transform things with good advice or break the mould of personality cult. For long the party that Bhutto formed, the PPP, remained a Bhutto family cult, and that continues to this day. The same is true of the PMLN, which is the domain of the Sharif family. Imran slipped into the same mould of surrounding himself with 'yes' men and party machinery aims to further his cult.

In this sense PTI remains a movement and not a political party where a core of political figures have a say. This is true of the other political parties too, but over three decades the likes of Sharifs and Bhuttos have realised they have to carry some of their party members with them. Imran must also understand that his own clean image is not enough to carry a nation with him. He needs to build a first class team around him and to also carry the team with him by giving them credit and praise. A criticism of Imran remains that its all about him and no one else.

For Pakistan while some will hail these developments as a victory for the Constitution but it brings with it the very people who has heavily tainted with corruption back to power. While an election may well be on the one year horizon where the decision by Pakistanis will have to be made whether they prefer incompetence (Imran's PTI) over corruption (PPP and PMLN). Neutral Pakistanis will woe the fact that in Imran Khan's government there was a chance to turn the corner with better governance and economic performance. 

The 220 million people of Pakistan can only hope that Imran Khan and his PTI will have learned an important and vital lesson and will earnestly begin to reform into a party of substance rather than resort to street power as the only option of change. The opposition government that may come to power now will at best be a patch work of  different agendas and will struggle to make any difference. To capitalise on this Imran himself will have to do some soul searching and start with a change in his style of leadership. Pakistan politics needs to mature from rhetoric to substance and this implies changes in not only the style of leadership but also the faces that come forward. 

Pakistan Focus: The Khan and the Opposition

 Imran Khan and his government face a non confidence motion that could end the Khan's first stint in power in a country where the complexions of politics defy common sense. Most likely, it would seem at the point of this writing, that his government will not survive the no confidence motion largely because of the desertions of his allies. When he first assumed power I did write him an open letter, more in the spirit of a friendship rather than a political lecture, and though I doubt he ever read it, one cannot help wonder where did he lose the plot. 

Imran always has been upfront about his views, and you get pretty much how he sees it, sometimes naive, (on economic affairs) and too blunt (on international politics) but you do not get corruption. While be brought a freshness to the political scene his optimism to 'fix' things within a year or so was perhaps overstated. How can thirty years of mismanagement of a country be fixed in even two years. While he had bucket fulls of belief in his mission it was not enough to shed the politicians who had joined his bandwagon; interestingly some of them are the ones deserting him now. 

Saddled with historical inefficiencies was further exacerbated by the effects of the COVID pandemic and the effect on the global economy. Some important resets were done, mainly bringing in a broader social welfare program and trying to move the country towards an independent foreign policy. While there were murmurs of corruption within some quarters of his political allies (the sugar mafia etc) the Khan was not visibly happy with such reports but he did fail to pursue the accused allies with the same vigour he showed in going after his political opponents. 

 One has to believe that at times of crisis the metal of a human being is tested. Imran Khan has showed no serious signs of panic and knows that other than losing the post of Prime Minister he does not have a plethora of business interests to protect or worry about. His closing gambit about foreign intervention is a bit surprising and needs some examination.

In foreign policy it is normal for bigger powers to express their displeasure to diplomats of the country they are unhappy with. Short of a formal position the informal words exchanged between governments and diplomats of other countries serve to get the not so subtle messages across. While this is interference and there is no doubt that this happens every day ignoring the messages that one does not like is more the norm. Imran Khan linking the 'message' from an unnamed government to a conspiracy with the opposition in Pakistan is setting a precedent. Because the desire of a foreign government in removing him is similar to that of the opposition does not mean there is collusion and does not make the Opposition traitors. 

Imran Khan has much more credible charges against the opposition, which are before the courts and government agencies and point to the massive looting of wealth that has taken place in the country for the past 30 odd years. There is no doubt that the opposition is united only through the common dislike of Imran Khan and his policies. The fact that some horse trading has taken place in putting together the required number of parliamentary votes to oust Imran from office cannot be denied. Whether such trading involved money, promises of ministerial posts or whatever remains to be seen. One this is certain that with elections due in 2023 the new government will eventually find its allies falling out.

Strategically speaking one wonders why didn't Imran Khan dissolve the Parliament and seek a new general election? In the broad mass of Pakistani's he remains popular and it would have been very difficult for the opposition to beat him at the ballot. Without the burden of the dissidents the Khan could have brought in new faces and perhaps a bigger majority in the National Assembly. What remains encouraging is that he has stated repeatedly that he accepts the process of parliamentary democracy and if it means he loses power so be it.

The Opposition agenda is absent beyond the removal of The Khan. The alliance is badly patched up with political parties who were at each others throat through most of Pakistan's political history. The PML-N's former leader is in self imposed exile in the face of corruption charges and after being disqualified by the courts from politics. The PPP while led by an energetic young leader has been losing its grass roots support in successive elections. The ethnically positioned MQM while not a national party has always held its role as a deal maker in any coalition government and lacks any appeal for a national position. The religious party JUI, is led by a politician who could not win his own electoral seat and carries the pretension of national leadership on the basis of a religious complexion that has been repeatedly milked for electoral votes and a say in national politics. 

The two main parties, PMLN and PPP will have to think long and hard of a fresh approach to national politics and perhaps consider a 'clean politics, clean government' agenda for the future. The rank and file of people in Pakistan will tell you after the economic challenges to the country they consider corruption as the major problem in Pakistan. If Imran Khan can be credited with something is that for once the office of the Prime Minister cannot be accused of being corrupt. 

However, it would be foolish to think that this is the end of The Khan. He carries enormous appeal to the masses and should be reform some of his party and come to the polls with a cogent economic and social policy with the right people to implement the agenda then the Opposition, united or not, will find it difficult to defeat him at the polls. 

Pakistan PM speech: A breath of fresh air.

Imran Khan's first speech as Prime Minister was less a speech than a sincere talk across the table. No pre-written speech, just a few pages of notes and a delivery that would make even his skeptics applaud him for being long on ambition and sincerity. If there was anything lacking in the speech it was little reference to Balochistan, the protection of women, the protecting of minorities and upholding the tenants of a free press. But then in a speech which dealt with issues of malnutrition in children to economics there was much to chew on for the observer.

If one was to chart the social impact of political leaders of Pakistan then one can clearly say Imran set the tone for a social economic agenda than simply a political agenda. Mr Jinnah. the founder of the nation, on August 1947 spoke of a vision of Pakistan, a speech much forgotten in the shrouds of intolerance (covered in my previous blogs), and now Imran has touched a nerve with the people of Pakistan and his words have to be seen as a sincere demand for change, and change to which he and his government will be held accountable. In 1968, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in his 'roti, kapra, makkan', (food, clothing and housing) for all speech for the first time spoke of the down trodden and the unheard majority of the country. His attempt at democratic socialism and nationalism was at best a failure, but give him the credit for an inclusive social agenda that set the stage to which now Imran Khan has stepped up.

The take away from the speech is positive, asking for change in education, governance, judicial responsibility, accountability, and most of all creating a paradigm shift in not one aspect of Pakistani society but pretty much across the board. The key question is how his agenda of change will be funded as he inherits a State Treasury which is bare, a debt burden that every month sinks the nation further down the tube. It would seem his initial internal economic emphasis is on broadening the tax base through better collection, routing out corruption which has been rampant, and bringing economic changes at the grass root level all coupled with an austerity drive that is indeed praise worthy.

Converting the Prime Ministers house to a university of excellence indicate more than anything that the lavishness of 524 staff is what he does not need. Though I would have suggested that converting it into an All suites 6 star hotel would be more profitable for the nation. I do believe that in respect of life style he has always been pretty down to earth, and is not one who loves money for himself. The biggest challenge will be taming the bureaucracy which has always been the worm inside the government to weakens its agenda. Apart from the curse of nepotism it is a machine which is slow to change and some hard decisions will be needed in reorganizing the civil service.

With provincial governments in two provinces the PTI agenda of change will be limited in its enforcement in both Sindh and Balochistan. While he has indicated he would work with the leadership of those provinces on reforms to the police and local civil service it will have its share of frustrations. I would like to believe improvements in the provinces they control will bring about some urgency in the other two provinces to follow suit. I was particularly pleased that while he took a broad swipe at corruption and corrupt political leaders his speech was tame in terms of attacks on the opposition.

We can sit back and cynically dismiss his ambitious agenda as nothing short of what General Musharraf promised, but then there is an essential difference, the general did not have a peoples mandate to live up to. There has been criticism also about his choice of the cabinet as some of the ministers had served under the general; however I do feel this is a start and I would not be surprised that there would be changes mid way in his tenure. His team building skills are well known as indeed his impatience with under performing members usually results in a change.

The way I see it, if Imran Khan and his new government can deliver even 30-40% of his agenda he would have done more for the country than the 21 Prime Ministers before him. He will have to learn to be open to accepting his failures, however small they may be, as challenges that failed and acknowledge them and move to a new path to achieve the same aims. However, the ground swell of expectations he has created is also accompanied by the enthusiasm of people willing to change and be facilitators of change. Many who voted for him actually did so with the view that the two other parties have been given five chances between them to change things and perhaps its time to try something new. This speech seemed to suggest to them that at least in terms of the talk he has done his bit, now people will want to see him walk the talk. The first steps he has taken within the first two days as Prime Minister its clear that he will walk the talk and that too more boldly than many would be prepared for. But then this snowball of change will continue to roll with its momentum and Imran's first task of getting it rolling has started.

Is Imran Khan a military stooge? Myth or Reality!

Of late US media and Indian media has been flooded with articles and opinions asserting that Imran Khan, the newly elected Prime Minister of Pakistan is supported by the military and his election is a staged event. At the outset we should appreciate that this is the second election conducted in Pakistan where power transfers from one civilian government to another through a process of elections. While we may argue the legitimacy of election being fair, it is not proven that rigging was on a massive scale. Without going into massive detail on that point just the fact that the press has pointed to ballot boxes with votes discarded outside polling stations as proof of rigging, people don't stop to notice that the photos show the votes paper to be 'white' while this election national assembly votes were cast on green paper!

Perhaps Pakistan and Turkey rank as the two countries where military governments and/or influence from the military in politics has been the highest in their history. The military has, historically, nurtured political figures; Bhutto post 1970 election, Nawaz Sharif by General Zia, and many others. Sadly the performance of elected governments has been so terrible that the people have generally looked to the military as the only institution that can provide stability. Yet after the two long reigns of General Zia and General Musharraff, subsequent heads of the military have taken pains to encourage the political process to gain roots and is borne out by the 2013 and 2018 elections.

It would be fair to say that the military within Pakistan, while protective of their own franchise, also have little wish to be directly in power. They are aware that Generals Yayha, Zia and Musharaf, eroded the standing of the military within the country. The emergence of a stable political process is still far from there and it is amusing that one leader of a political party who could not even secure 6 seats out 272 is calling for agitation on the streets. There is a need for the parties to look beyond this and accept the results and allow a government to be formed and then work within the parliament towards their agenda. This is the hallmark of a democracy and it needs to be understood with maturity.


To insinuate that the military would have chosen Imran Khan is stretching the conspiracy theory a bit too far and basically assuming that 100 million plus voters of which 55% voted are all sheep who will do what they are told. Yes there can be no denying that the military may well prefer to see a certain political figure succeed rather than someone else, but to assume that they would rig the election to that extent is really not possible. One could argue that Nawaz Sharif, a creation of the military, especially the Zia frame of mind military, would have always been the choice even though his spate with Musharraf and his ouster by the latter might have lost him favor with the military, he would have been a more known choice than anyone new.

Imran Khan in  a sense will be a more difficult political figure for the army to control should they not see eye to eye with each other, and I am sure the military would have assessed that too. Secondly, in a country were not one political leader can come clean on the issue of their financial impropriety Khan has a clean record in this respect. His appeal to the younger generation is also a key factor that can stir them away from the politics of the militant political groups. Finally, Imran Khan seems to talk the talk in matter of foreign policy and restoring the status and economic welfare of the country.

The army from their assessment must clearly also see, like people have seen, that he is perhaps the best of the current lot of political figures to give a sense of direction to the country. Much like Nawaz Sharif's government had their tacit support any new civilian government should be seen to also have the military support. After all given the corruption cases going on in the courts if the army wished they could have taken over and not done a charade of an election to install 'their' man! After all it has happened before. Given the crisis in the last government the military, supported by the judiciary, could have imposed a national coalition government especially as it was evident that the scandals being unearthed were of a magnitude that brought into question key political figures.

Powerful institutions in democracies have a view on political affairs, this is even normal to the US and even India. General Manekshaw often expressed his views to Mrs Indira Ghandi especially on the matter of East Pakistan, now Bangladesh and some even suggest decided on the scope and timing of the action that India took. We have to recognize that two elections do not make a complete democracy and the military has to show it will support civilian governments and the political parties have to show they are mature to govern also.

Imran Khan and the military have to develop a trusting relationship and if he does hold democratic principles in high regard and runs a clean government that performs to its agenda then Pakistan as a whole will benefit. If this means he is a stooge of the military then one can argue he would be a better stooge than those who were installed by the military in the past. I personally doubt that Imran Khan, knowing him as little as I do, would so easily be malleable to pressure. I may not entirely agree with many of his political statements and while I sincerely hope for the sake of Pakistan he does well, there will be many a step he may falter on. How he handles those faltered steps will show his maturity in this political process.

There will be areas of friction between Imran Khan and the military and may well cover the issue of dealing with the militants, the role of the military intelligence, normalization of relations with India and Afghanistan and most importantly the scope and depth of relations with the United States. However, none of these issues is likely to upset the apple cart and especially if Khan can quickly and smoothly establish the rule of law and the clean functioning of government. Imran must also work with the opposition parties at a time like this and not simply go it alone, and for this a national consensus on key issues will be needed.

DId Jinnah want a secular Pakistan?

We are the proverbial 'moments away' from the 2018 elections in Pakistan, an election charged with emotion, accusations, and bomb blasts. An election in a nuclear weapon state which picks up a mere footnote on the international newswires. Yet, believe it or not, its an election that will perhaps define the future for the country. Imran Khan's promise of a new Pakistan carries with it the loaded responsibility that should he fail to deliver if he wins the election, then the only definition we as a nation will edge towards is 'failed state'.

This election gave me a chance to examine the manifesto of each of the major political parties and it was in a sense sad to see that the protection of the rights of the minorities and the women of the country was mentioned almost as an after thought. While some may have looked at the Islamist parties posters and giggled at the erased faces of their women candidates it did make one wonder about how far we have steered away from the legacy of the founder of the nation, Mohammed Ali Jinnah.

General Zia Ul Haq systematically installed the tools of intolerance in a nation, after his predecessor, Mr Zulfikar Ali Bhutto embraced the Islamist demand to outlaw Ahmadi Muslims as declare them non muslims when he faced agitation by the right wing in response to election rigging. It was Gen Zia who had Mr Jinnah's August 11, 1947 speech to the Constituent Assembly expunged from the social history books and state media in the next publication of Jinnah's speeches excluded the entire speech.

Why is this speech important?

It was the definitive political and social guide that the founder of the nation laid before the lawmakers who were entrusted to frame the constitution of the State of Pakistan. He laid out some guiding principles for the lawmakers, and I would assume that they were in agreement with his vision. At the expense of making this a long winded blog, I shall quote some of these from this very special speech.

His first principle he enunciated was 'The first observation that I would like to make is this: You will no doubt agree with me that the first duty of a government is to maintain law and order, so that the life, property and religious beliefs of its subjects are fully protected by the State. '

Today we cannot debate his second guiding principle 'The second thing that occurs to me is this: One of the biggest curses from which India is suffering - I do not say that other countries are free from it, but, I think our condition is much worse - is bribery and corruption. That really is a poison. We must put that down with an iron hand and I hope that you will take adequate measures as soon as it is possible for this Assembly to do so.'

His third principle was relevant to those times and even today; 'Black-marketing is another curse. Well, I know that blackmarketeers are frequently caught and punished. Judicial sentences are passed or sometimes fines only are imposed. Now you have to tackle this monster, which today is a colossal crime against society, in our distressed conditions, when we constantly face shortage of food and other essential commodities of life. A citizen who does black-marketing commits, I think, a greater crime than the biggest and most grievous of crimes. '

Surely even today many in Pakistan will recognize his fourth guiding principle; 'The next thing that strikes me is this: Here again it is a legacy which has been passed on to us. Along with many other things, good and bad, has arrived this great evil, the evil of nepotism and jobbery. I want to make it quite clear that I shall never tolerate any kind of jobbery, nepotism or any any influence directly of indirectly brought to bear upon me. Whenever I will find that such a practice is in vogue or is continuing anywhere, low or high, I shall certainly not countenance it.'

His final point was about the minorities and the role of the state in defining the relationship between the different segments in society. I must quote the entire section for it to have a contextual sense. 

'I know there are people who do not quite agree with the division of India and the partition of the Punjab and Bengal. Much has been said against it, but now that it has been accepted, it is the duty of everyone of us to loyally abide by it and honourably act according to the agreement which is now final and binding on all. But you must remember, as I have said, that this mighty revolution that has taken place is unprecedented. One can quite understand the feeling that exists between the two communities wherever one community is in majority and the other is in minority. But the question is, whether it was possible or practicable to act otherwise than what has been done, A division had to take place. On both sides, in Hindustan and Pakistan, there are sections of people who may not agree with it, who may not like it, but in my judgement there was no other solution and I am sure future history will record is verdict in favour of it. And what is more, it will be proved by actual experience as we go on that was the only solution of India's constitutional problem. Any idea of a united India could never have worked and in my judgement it would have led us to terrific disaster. Maybe that view is correct; maybe it is not; that remains to be seen. All the same, in this division it was impossible to avoid the question of minorities being in one Dominion or the other. Now that was unavoidable. There is no other solution. Now what shall we do? Now, if we want to make this great State of Pakistan happy and prosperous, we should wholly and solely concentrate on the well-being of the people, and especially of the masses and the poor. If you will work in co-operation, forgetting the past, burying the hatchet, you are bound to succeed. If you change your past and work together in a spirit that everyone of you, no matter to what community he belongs, no matter what relations he had with you in the past, no matter what is his colour, caste or creed, is first, second and last a citizen of this State with equal rights, privileges, and obligations, there will be on end to the progress you will make.

I cannot emphasize it too much. We should begin to work in that spirit and in course of time all these angularities of the majority and minority communities, the Hindu community and the Muslim community, because even as regards Muslims you have Pathans, Punjabis, Shias, Sunnis and so on, and among the Hindus you have Brahmins, Vashnavas, Khatris, also Bengalis, Madrasis and so on, will vanish. Indeed if you ask me, this has been the biggest hindrance in the way of India to attain the freedom and independence and but for this we would have been free people long long ago. No power can hold another nation, and specially a nation of 400 million souls in subjection; nobody could have conquered you, and even if it had happened, nobody could have continued its hold on you for any length of time, but for this. Therefore, we must learn a lesson from this. You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to any other place or worship in this State of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creed that has nothing to do with the business of the State. As you know, history shows that in England, conditions, some time ago, were much worse than those prevailing in India today. The Roman Catholics and the Protestants persecuted each other. Even now there are some States in existence where there are discriminations made and bars imposed against a particular class. Thank God, we are not starting in those days. We are starting in the days where there is no discrimination, no distinction between one community and another, no discrimination between one caste or creed and another. We are starting with this fundamental principle that we are all citizens and equal citizens of one State. The people of England in course of time had to face the realities of the situation and had to discharge the responsibilities and burdens placed upon them by the government of their country and they went through that fire step by step. Today, you might say with justice that Roman Catholics and Protestants do not exist; what exists now is that every man is a citizen, an equal citizen of Great Britain and they are all members of the Nation.

Now I think we should keep that in front of us as our ideal and you will find that in course of time Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense as citizens of the State.'

It is worth noting in the entire speech he never once used the word Islam. For him it was a homeland for the Muslims of India, but more than that it was also a homeland for the minorities and even all the sects of Muslims. Without using the word 'secular' Jinnah was defining a country that would in practice be secular. 

Today not one political leader contesting the elections has embraced these vital guiding principles of the founding father and instead fuel hatred and discord between not only the majority and the minorities but also between sects within the Muslims. In the United States over 200 years after the founding fathers framed the constitution even today reference is made to their guiding principles knowing they are the pillars of statehood. 

Lets hope the likes of Imran Khan, Shahbaz Shareef, Bilawal Bhutto, and the Mullahs of the other parties can dig out this speech of the founding father, read it, reflect on it, and measure themselves against its advice. More importantly lets hope they can be brave enough to espouse this message in a progressively intolerant Pakistan that they have allowed to be created.